My stance on Gun Control.

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

I honestly wish I could just say that and have it mean exactly what it says. Sadly we seem to of forgotten what our right to keep and bear arms means. And what it was for. It does not just mean hunting weapons. As you can see there is no mention of hunting above. It states plainly that a well regulated Militia is necessary to the security of a free State. The meaning of that is clear. And that means that we as citizens must be allowed to own arms for personal protection not just from criminals, But also if nessacary protection from our own government. For the security of a free state. I am not anti-government. And I believe in America. But I also know that the price of freedom is eternal vigilance.

I will not ever support any legislation that infringes on the right of law abiding citizens to keep and bear arms. Ever.

You can hear Neil on the internet tomorow! Liberty Cap talk live!

I will be on Liberty Cap talk live this Friday at 6PM.

http://www.nowlive.com/desktop/default.aspx?id=100226455

Should Michigan follow the New Hampshire example?

This article about New Hampshire sheds light on my points about how low taxation (Or better yet, none) leads to overall prosperity. Look at the model of New Hampshire, and think about what this could do for us in Michigan?

Low-tax New Hampshire Draws Business with its Quality of Life


Three of the state’s communities earn top ratings from Money magazine.

[ 1/1/1998 ] By: Ann K. Morris

Not many states can claim that they have neither a general sales tax nor an income tax. In fact, only two can do that, and one of them is New Hampshire. Its 1784 constitution states, “Moderation, temperance, industry and frugality,” and the state is still following these wise recommendations.New Hampshire has no capital gains tax, no inventory tax and no property tax on machinery or equipment. It has one of the lowest unemployment insurance rates in the country and offers investment and job tax credits.

New Hampshire companies find that the state is a good place both to do business and live. With no general personal income, sales or use tax, New Hampshire has one of the highest rates of home ownership in the country. Housing prices are also reasonable, with three-bedroom, 1 1/2-bath homes selling for $80,000 to $140,000.

More than quality of life

New Hampshire’s Pease International Tradeport welcomed at least eight new companies and 800 jobs in 1997.

The Pease International Tradeport became home to at least eight companies and development projects, as well as 800 new jobs, in 1997, and the state’s great quality of life takes partial credit. The tradeport, which logged the largest percentage gain in air cargo handled by any airport in New England in 1996, also attracts people with its infrastructure.”Everyone you talk to in New Hampshire always talks about the quality of life,” Roger Booker, vice president of operations at Objective Communications told the Boston Sunday Globe. “Coming out of the Washington, D.C. area, certainly there’s more of a sense of community here.”

Objective Communications, a company in the computer industry, relocated to the tradeport in 1997 and expects to hire more than 100 people by mid-1998.

Top-billed communities
New Hampshire’s quality of life has garnered national attention for years. Money magazine recently recognized three New Hampshire communities as some of the best places to live in the United States. In its 11th Annual Best Places to Live survey, the magazine ranked Nashua number one, Portsmouth number five and Manchester number six. Nashua is actually the only community to win the top spot twice. (It was ranked number one in 1987, too.)

“The friendly former mill town on the Merrimack and Nashua rivers, 36 miles north of Boston, got there this time courtesy of a bustling high-tech-driven economy that rebounded smartly from a painful ‘89 to ‘93 recession,” said Money magazine.

New Hampshire also showed up on a national health survey by Relia-
Star Financial Corp., where it ranked second-healthiest in the nation in 1997.

New Hampshire offers state-of-the-art telecommunications through NYNEX and 13 independent telephone companies. The state’s electricity comes from the New England and Northeast regional power grids and 11 New Hampshire utilities. Natural gas is available through two utilities.

NEW HAMPSHIRE FACTS AND CONTACTS

DEMOGRAPHY AND
ECONOMY
Population: 1,173,000 (1997)
Population Growth Rate: 21.1% (1980-92)
Capital: Concord
Three Largest Cities: Manchester (102,675); Nashua (82,285); Concord (37,850)
GSP: $25.5 billion
Per Capita Income: $25,587
Percentage of Durable Goods Manufacturing Labor Force Organized: 6.5
Right to Work State: No
Unemployment Rate: 3.1%
Population Over 25 With Bachelor’s Degree or More: 25.8%
Corporate Income Tax Rate: 7.0%
Percentage Employment by Sector: government, 14.0; construction, 3.7; manufacturing, 18.6; mining, .10; FIRE, 5.0; transportation/ communications, 3.4; wholesale/retail, 26.3; services, 28.9
Primary Industries: Industrial and commercial machinery, electronic and electrical equipment, fabricated metal products
Targeted Industries: Space research and development; lumber and wood; computer products; health services; educational services; business and financial services; electrical products; instruments

FOR MORE INFORMATION CONTACT
William E. Pillsbury, Jr., Director
New Hampshire Office of Business and Industrial Dev., 172 Pembroke Rd., P.O. Box 1856, Concord, NH 03302-1856
Tel: (603) 271-2591 Fax: (603) 271-6784

Candice Miller’s voting record.

I would comment on Candice Miller’s commitment to uphold our constitution.
Candice Miller voted in the following ways that are not in the spirit or the letter of the Constitution of the United States:

Voted in favor of S 1927
This amendment to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 passed 227-183 on August 4. The bill gives U.S. spy agencies expanded power to eavesdrop on foreign suspects without a court order. The existing Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act contained a 30-year-old statute requiring a warrant to monitor calls intercepted in the United States, regardless of their origin. Civil liberties and privacy advocates argue the bill jeopardizes the Fourth Amendment privacy rights and allows for the warrantless monitoring of virtually any form of communication originating in the United States.

Voted in favor of S 3930: Military Commissions Act.
This Act deprives detainees of Habeas Corpus.
Habeas Corpus (Latin: [We command] that you have the body)
[1] is the name of a legal action, or writ, through which a person can seek relief from unlawful detention of himself or another person. The writ of habeas corpus has historically been an important instrument for the safeguarding of individual freedom against arbitrary state action.

Voted in favor of H R 5825: Electronic Surveillance Modernization Act.
This bill would endorse President Bush’s ongoing warrantless electronic surveillance of suspected terrorist communications and allow, but not require, the administration to submit the program to a secret national security court for review.
According to The Washington Post, the president has always argued he has the power as Commander in Chief, under the Constitution, to run the warrantless wiretapping program but sought to work out a deal whereby Congress would vote to endorse it. Some members of Congress and civil libertarians argue that the president’s actions with regard to warrantless wiretapping have been illegal and unconstitutional — and argue Congress should not to vote to support him.

Voted against an amendment to H R 2862:
This vote temporarily stopped federal law enforcement officials from being able to easily seize library and bookstore records. The authority to get the records without a traditional warrant was one of the provisions of the original 2001 Patriot Act. President Bush opposed any curtailing of federal law enforcement authority and threatened to veto any bill with this amendment attached.
The amendment said that, going forward, authorities would have to get a search warrant from a judge or grand jury instead of relying on approval from the Federal Intelligence Surveillance Act Court, which has a lower threshold of proof. The Justice Department argued it had used this authority wisely and very selectively since it was extended in the original Patriot Act law. A coalition of liberals, conservatives and libertarians (including many Republicans), rejected the Bush administration’s arguments. They asserted the authority was a threat to the privacy of law-abiding citizens and voted to revoke it.

A note on the Iraq war and the war in Afghanistan:
Neither the Iraq war or the war in Afghanistan follow the Constitution’s guidelines for war. Candice Miller has voted against any measure that would allow for a timetable for withdrawal. And has consistently voted to continue the war, despite it’s unconstitutionality.

Are restraining orders out of control?

Restraining Orders Out of Control
http://targetfreedom.typepad.com/targetfreedom/2008/08/restraining-ord.html

Millions of domestic-abuse protection restraining orders are given out every year in American courts based on false allegations, ruining the lives of children and families. (Sidebar: Violence Against Women Act)

http://www.thenewamerican.com/node/8647
By: Gregory A. Hession, J.D.
The New American Magazine for August 4, 2008

One day in December of 2005, Colleen Nestler came to Santa Fe County District Court in New Mexico with a bizarre seven-page typed statement and requested a domestic-abuse restraining order against late-night TV host David Letterman. She stated, under oath, that Letterman seriously abused her by causing her bankruptcy, mental cruelty, and sleep deprivation since 1994. Nestler also alleged that he sent her secret signals “in code words” through his television program for many years and that he “responded to my thoughts of love” by expressing that he wanted to marry her.
Judge Daniel Sanchez issued a restraining order against Letterman based on those allegations. By doing so, it put Letterman on a national list of domestic abusers, gave him a criminal record, took away several of his constitutionally protected rights, and subjected him to criminal prosecution if he contacted Nestler directly or indirectly, or possessed a firearm.
Letterman had never met Colleen Nestler, and this all happened without his knowledge. Nonetheless, she requested that the order include an injunction requiring him not to “think of me, and release me from his mental harassment and hammering.” Asked to explain why he had issued a restraining order on the basis of such an unusual complaint, Judge Sanchez answered that Nestler had filled out the restraining-order request form correctly. After much national ridicule, the judge finally dismissed the order against Letterman. Those who don’t have a TV program and deep pockets are rarely so fortunate.
Is This American Justice?
Letterman’s experience is replicated in state courts around the country thousands of times daily. Consider what happened to Todd, whose estranged wife went to court secretly and obtained a restraining order against him. She swore that three men dressed in purple Fathers for Justice camouflage uniforms broke into her apartment, pushed her violently onto her couch, choked her severely, and threatened her, telling her that she better not go back to court. She complained that these were agents of the husband, as he belonged to that group. She did not call the police, but decided to go to work. Later she collapsed near the entrance of a hospital emergency room in a dramatic flourish.
As Todd’s lawyer, I provided evidence that her story was as phony as the one about David Letterman. The wife lived in a large apartment building on a main road with a busy lobby and a nosy superintendent across the hall from her. However, no one saw or heard the three strangely dressed intruders enter or leave during rush hour. The hospital records showed no bruises or evidence of physical assault. The court vacated the order against Todd.
Courts are easily manipulated by those pretending to seek protection from abuse because the political climate reinforces that men are abusers, and there is no penalty for false claims. Thus, they embolden applicants to use them for ulterior motives, such as to gain an advantage in divorce, to get custody of children easily without a family court hearing, or as a quick eviction process. Sometimes the motive is revenge or worse. For example, an order was issued against Brendan, father of two daughters, because he brought flowers to his child’s home for her 10th birthday right after he sought enforcement of a custody order that the mother was routinely violating. Brendan was literally accused of “sneaking” into the yard to deliver flowers, nothing more, yet a restraining order was filed against him. This order was later vacated by a court.
An applicant can get a domestic-abuse restraining order for just about any reason. A report from an organization called Respecting Accuracy in Domestic Abuse Reporting (RADAR) suggests that it is as easy to obtain a restraining order as a hunting or fishing license. You fill out the forms and tell the judge you are afraid, and you get an order almost automatically. RADAR states: “The law defines almost any interpersonal maladjustment as ‘domestic violence,’ the courts then establish procedures to expedite the issuance of these orders.”
The restraining-order laws of the several states are remarkably similar in their wording, as though an invisible hand were guiding them. They allow a woman to come to court secretly and claim that she feels fearful of “abuse” from a family member or person she lives with. The accused person is not there, and there is no requirement to notify him. There are no traditional rules of evidence, no opportunity for cross examination, no burden of proof beyond a reasonable doubt, no jury, nor even a necessity to have a story that makes sense.
The definition of “abuse” set forth in these state laws is always subjective, rather than requiring an injury or genuine threat. They all include a clause that expands abuse to include “fear of harm,” often including even “emotional harm.” Courts routinely issue orders on sworn statements like, “I just don’t know what he may do,” or, “he has a long history of verbal and emotional abuse.”
A week after the initial secret hearing, a “return” hearing is held, where the defendant gets to tell his side of the story. He is usually allowed to present evidence and testimony, but it is often difficult to assemble needed documents and witnesses in that short period. Most of the temporary orders are extended for a year, regardless of the evidence, alibi, or witnesses offered.
To some judges, evidence is irrelevant; they just issue orders. Professor Stephen Baskerville, in his book Taken Into Custody, quotes Judge Richard Russell of Ocean City, New Jersey, at a restraining-order training seminar:
Throw him out on the street, give him the clothes on his back and tell him, “See ya around.”… The woman needs this protection because the statute granted her that protection…. They have declared domestic violence to be an evil in our society. So we don’t have to worry about the rights. Grant every order. That is the safest thing to do.
My client Mr. L’s experience is a perfect example of this. I filed a motion to vacate the restraining order his ex-wife had against him, and she filed one to extend it, so the judge held a hearing to consider both motions — sort of. Here is the pertinent part of the actual transcript of the hearing to vacate the order:
Mr. Hession: Can you please state your name and your address for the record? [The Court argues with counsel as to whether Mr. L can testify.]
The Court: I don’t believe I need to hear any evidence from your client. I’m going to deny your request to vacate the restraining order.
The hearing on whether to extend the order was no better:
The Court: Mrs. L_____, do you remain fearful of your husband?
Mrs. L_____: Yes. [Weeping]
The Court: Thank you.
The judge then extended the restraining order for a year, without Mr. L uttering his name on the witness stand, and with one generalized question to the wife about “fear.” Judges who conduct hearings like this violate their oath to apply the law impartially and encourage the filing a false complaints — which is an enormous problem.
According to professor of accountancy Benjamin P. Foster, Ph.D, CPA, CMA, of the 4,796 emergency protective-order petitions issued in West Virginia in 2006, an estimated 80.6 percent “are false or unnecessary.” Foster acknowledges the duplicitous nature of many of the complaints: “In divorce and child custody cases, a party generally obtains favorable treatment when the other party has engaged in domestic violence.” In West Virginia, one incident of domestic violence, “which includes ‘reasonable apprehension of physical harm’ and ‘creating fear of physical harm by harassment, psychological abuse,’… could impact the Parenting plan approved by the Family Court.” On the other hand, a “parent must have repeatedly made fraudulent reports of domestic violence or child abuse” to lose favor with a court. (Emphasis added.) Just the “identifiable costs” — the cost for the state, not the victims — for these false reports was in excess of $18,200,000 in 2006.
Drastic Punishment
Falsely issued restraining orders are of great concern because the punishment that is meted out to defendants is so drastic. After an initial secret restraining order is issued, the clerk faxes it to the local police, who then serve it on the defendant. Since most orders contain a “no contact” provision, the first thing the police do is remove the man from his home, with little more than the shirt on his back, just as Judge Richard Russell urged in his judicial training. Utterly taken by surprise, the man usually has no idea that the hearing took place, that the order was granted, or what he may have done to deserve it. The police are rarely sympathetic.
Most restraining orders require that the defendant may not contact the plaintiff directly or indirectly or get within some distance, usually 100 yards, of the alleged “victim.” Often, wives place the children as “co-victims” on these orders, so the defendant cannot contact his children either. “No contact” means no phone calls, cards, letters, or even incidentally running into the person.
No reconciliation is possible once an order is issued because any contact is a crime and subjects the violator to immediate arrest and jail. Even indirect contact is a crime, such as asking a relative to help work things out. Many men have sent flowers to a spouse or a birthday card to a child, only to end up in prison. Once an order is in place, the state becomes the father in the family, pushing out the real one.
Most district attorneys, prompted by feminist political pressure, have a “no-drop” policy on prosecuting all violations of restraining orders, no matter how minor. Joseph found that out the hard way. His wife obtained a restraining order after telling the judge he had kicked a plastic cooler and slammed the door while leaving his house. She omitted the part about telling him she had found another man.
No abuse or threat had occurred, but an order was issued against Joseph anyway. While it was in place, the wife made 14 false criminal complaints about violations of the order, which resulted in some arrests. I had to go to court with Joseph again and again, and we somehow managed to beat every case. Only a dysfunctional system allows a complainant to continue to make such false allegations without any accountability whatsoever.
Restraining orders also interfere with Second Amendment rights. Each state’s laws require that a defendant surrender all guns and ammunition, and violation of this provision is not only a state crime, but a federal one, under the Violence Against Women Act of 1994.
“Mike” was an Air Force officer in charge of a military police unit on base. When his ex-wife got a restraining order against him, he lost his right to carry a weapon and had to take a desk job. He had custody of their child, which the mother resented. She came to a child’s doctor appointment and attempted to create an incident, but was unsuccessful. However, the mother went to the local police to help her get an order. She told the police that there was no abuse and no history of abuse, so they wouldn’t get involved. She then went to the court in the adjoining state where she lived and claimed that there was abuse, and obtained a restraining order. Then, to cover her tracks, she went back to the police in the husband’s state and requested that they change her statement about no abuse. Eventually, he was able to remove the order, after hiring an expensive lawyer in the wife’s state.
Many police officers and military personnel who carry firearms are not so lucky, and have had careers permanently ruined by false allegations on restraining orders. In many places, once an order issues, even if it is eventually vacated, it is often impossible to get a gun license back.
Restraining orders especially impact the children. These orders are frequently used as a quick and dirty custody hearing, without the trouble of going to family court. In one minute, the father can lose the right to see his children for a year or longer. Children often get used as pawns in these situations, without any rebuke from a judge. While judges certainly know that falsely obtained orders are pervasive, they care little for the well-being of the children who are harmed by losing their father for long periods. The children often have no understanding of why they are being kept from their father because the father cannot even speak to them.
If dad works from home, as more people are now doing, additional problems arise. Under any order, he will be summarily evicted, and thus lose access to phones, business records, and equipment, without recourse. As a RADAR report puts it: “The man, now homeless and distraught, has only a few days to find a lawyer and prepare a defense.” When a home business is involved, he now cannot earn income, although he may be ordered to pay child support, needs alternate living quarters, and may have had his bank account emptied by his wife.
The case of Bob, who worked from home, shows the misuse of orders against self-employed persons. His wife got a restraining order against him, based on “a long history of verbal and emotional abuse,” which is not a legal basis for an order. After it was issued, Bob had to leave the home he owned prior to his marriage, in which he had his home-based business. Eventually, he was allowed to do business in one half of the home, while his wife and children lived in the other half. Despite her alleged “fear,” the wife came within a few feet of Bob on a regular basis. Meanwhile, the disruption of his business, the stress involved, and support payments destroyed him financially. He could not pay the huge child and spousal support assessments ordered by the court, which totaled triple his net income, and he was jailed twice. His business suffered, and he has still not recovered from the experience.
Skewed View of Abuse
The domestic-abuse industry has become a multi-billion dollar business during the last three decades, fueled by large influxes of government money and bolstered by media hysteria about abuse. Retired Massachusetts Judge Milton Raphaelson has stated, however, that there is not an epidemic of domestic violence, but rather an epidemic of hysteria about domestic violence.
State restraining-order laws suddenly sprang up in every state during the 1970s, at the insistence of radical feminist groups who had gained political ascendency. Family abuse was indeed a problem. However, the feminists identified the problem wrongly and proposed a solution that made it worse.
Building on the sensationalism of certain well-publicized cases, feminists built an “identity politics” view of abuse. It is true that some men still ascribed to the chauvinist notion that women were chattel and could be maltreated with impunity, but the feminists exploited that fact and got laws that harmed, not just men, but families. They declared that men were abusers and women were victims. Abused women were shown off at legislative hearings to manipulate the mostly male legislators into passing restraining-order laws.
For the first time, we now have laws that penalize people before they are proven to be criminals, for something they only might do. The laws are paradigms of pragmatism over principle, as they jettison centuries of highly developed legal theory and substitute a subjective and weak new legal framework which allows baseless allegations, while making it very difficult to defend against them. They allow a woman to claim “fear” of abuse, even if none has happened, leading to a classic “he said, she said,” where she holds all the cards.
While many persons involved in passing these laws may have been well-meaning, thinking they were going to help stop abuse, the unintended (or perhaps intended) consequences have been to change the very fabric of the legal system, and to decimate millions of families. In my experience, little abuse has been prevented by these laws. Stats back this up. For example, in West Virginia between 1981 and 1992, “domestic violence claims increased 466% from 1,065 to 6,029″ and in Puerto Rico after a comprehensive domestic violence law was instituted in 1989, violence claims “did not decline or level off,” according to Professor Foster.
Answer to Domestic Violence?
Domestic-abuse restraining orders came about because a certain number of abusers really do assault and batter their partners. Scores of studies have attempted to understand the problem and find practical solutions, but domestic-abuse restraining orders are a flawed solution that has made the problem worse.
First, they have identified the wrong culprit. Women commit abuse more than men do. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reports, “In nonreciprocally violent relationships, women were the perpetrators in more than 70 percent of the cases. Reciprocity was associated with more frequent violence among women, but not men.” Psychologist John Archer reviewed hundreds of studies and concluded, “Women were slightly more likely than men to use one or more acts of physical aggression and to use such acts more frequently.” While men are more often the victims of abuse, women are injured more often and more severely than men. Moreover, about two-thirds of the reported cases are minor, such as throwing a pillow.
Has anyone vilified Hillary Clinton for throwing household objects at Bill, or singer Amy Winehouse for using her husband as a “punch bag”? We are desensitized to violence against men. In domestic arrest situations, it is almost always the man who is arrested, even if he is the only one injured. None of this is to justify abuse by anyone, only to show the fallacy of focusing solely on the abuse of women. Such unequal application of the law has likely led to more trauma and abuse than it purports to prevent, as well as destroyed respect for the system among fair-minded persons.
Whenever lawmakers respond to political pressure, a bad law is the usual result. Law has the properly limited purpose of insuring restitution to victims of those who intrude on the person or property of others. It has never been preventative, as domestic-abuse restraining-order laws seek to be, nor should it be. If true abuse does occur — a relative or non-relative threatens to batter or kill you or actually does physically attack — you are already able to make a criminal complaint for assault (which is defined as a threat to batter) and battery. And a criminal restraining order will likely be set in place. These new restraining-order laws seek to prevent crime by identifying persons who may commit one, and stop it before it happens. However, this is entirely speculative, and cannot identify perpetrators with any reliability.
In our imperfect world, we settle for an imperfect system that uses fear of punishment, rather than preemption, as its primary deterrent, but look at the alternative. With unjust restraining-order laws, we are creating a legal system that victimizes large groups of innocent people. We need to develop a better system, before we completely lose control of the present one. Thomas Reed, Speaker of the House of Representatives in the late 19th century, said, “One of the greatest delusions in the world is the hope that the evils in this world are to be cured by legislation.” Domestic-abuse restraining-order laws are a vain and delusional attempt to do so, and we need to eliminate them.

Violence Against Women Act
Nothing illustrates the political tablet upon which domestic restraining orders are written better than the federal Violence Against Women Act of 1994, passed during the Clinton presidency. It took a bad system and made it worse by providing federal money to certain favored programs that foment more dissension between the sexes.
The act was designed to create a federal effort to address violence against women by providing uniform definitions of abuse and providing funds for victim advocates, women’s shelters, and counseling. It also instructs and enlists local police in the effort to combat domestic violence and make more arrests, and it coordinates interstate enforcement efforts of abuse-protection orders.
The act is discriminatory on its face, since it gives a political, legal, and financial advantage to women in family court matters. As the rantings of Judge Richard Russell in his judicial training seminar about restraining orders reveal, judges are certainly affected by the laws and the legal culture. Police almost always arrest men in any domestic altercation, even if the man is the only injured party.
Several new versions of the act have been passed in the intervening years. The website of the Family Violence Prevention Fund contains the following statement about the 2005 version of the act:
The Violence Against Women Act of 2005 contains groundbreaking new initiatives to help children exposed to violence, train health care providers to support victims of abuse, encourage men to teach the next generation that violence is wrong, and provide crisis services for victims of rape and sexual assault.
We used to have a much better program that was far more effective in preventing and treating violence against women. It was called the family.

An article on taxation and how it destroys the job market.

Someone had asked me earlier to shed a bit more light on how taxes drive out jobs. This article is very insightful.

2008 State Business Tax Climate Index (Fifth Edition)

Background Paper No. 57

Introduction to Executive Summary
The Tax Foundation presents the 2008 ver­sion of the State Business Tax Climate Index (SBTCI) as a tool for lawmakers, the media, and individuals alike to gauge how their states tax systems compare. Policymakers can then use the SBTCI to pinpoint changes to their tax systems that will explicitly improve their states’ standing in relation to competing states.

How much states collect in taxes is critical, but how they take it is also important. In other words, quite apart from whether a state’s total tax burden is higher than in other states, it can enact (and many states do) a set of tax laws that cause great damage to the economy.

The modern market is characterized by mobile capital and labor. Therefore, companies will locate where they have the greatest compet­itive advantage. States with the best tax systems will be most competitive in attracting new busi­nesses and be the most effective at generating economic and employment growth.

Although the market is now global, the Department of Labor reports that most mass job relocations are from one U.S. state to another rather than to an overseas location. This means that state lawmakers must be aware of how their states’ business climates stack up to others in their region and nationwide.

State lawmakers are always tempted to lure business with lucrative tax incentives and sub­sidies. This can be a dangerous proposition, as a case in Florida illustrates. In July of 2004 Florida lawmakers cried foul because a major credit card company announced it would close its Tampa call center, lay off 1,110 workers, and outsource those jobs to another company. The reason for the lawmakers’ ire was that the com­pany had been lured to Florida with a generous tax incentive package and had enjoyed nearly $3 million worth of tax breaks during the pre­vious nine years.

Lawmakers create these deals under the banner of job creation and economic develop­ment, but the truth is that if a state needs to offer such packages, it is most likely covering for a woeful business climate plagued by bad tax policy. A far more effective approach is to systematically improve the business tax cli­mate for the long term. When assessing which changes to make, lawmakers need to remem­ber these two rules:

  1. Taxes matter to business. Taxes affect busi­ness decisions, job creation and retention, plant location, competitiveness, and the long-term health of a state’s economy. Most importantly, taxes diminish profits. If taxes take a larger portion of profits, that cost is passed along to either consumers (through higher prices), workers (through lower wages or fewer jobs), or shareholders (through lower dividends or share value). Thus a state with lower tax costs will be more attractive to business investment, and more likely to experience economic growth.
  2. States do not enact tax changes (increases or cuts) in a vacuum. Every tax law will in some way change a state’s competitive position relative to its immediate neighbors, its geographic region, and even globally. Ultimately it will affect the state’s national standing as a place to live and to do business. Entrepreneurial states can take advan­tage of the tax increases of their neighbors to lure businesses out of high-tax states.

Clearly, there are many non-tax factors that affect a state’s business climate: its proximity to raw materi­als or transportation centers, its regulatory or legal structures, the quality of its education system and the skill of its workforce, not to mention the intan­gible perception of a state’s “quality of life.” Some of these factors are, of course, outside of the control of elected officials. Montana lawmakers cannot change the fact that Montana’s businesses have no immediate access to deepwater ports. Lawmakers do, however, have direct control over how friendly their tax systems are to business.

To view the State Business Tax Climate Index data for 2003 to 2008, click here.

American WARNING

American WARNING.

National Initiative for Democracy Presentation

Democracy

Democracy.

Mike Gravel - The Crossroads

The Crossroads.